I spent my time in Cappadocia taking short junkets to the underground cities. My first trip was to Derinkuyu, a small village about forty minutes by bus from where I was staying in the slightly larger village of Urgup. The bus ride took me through some of Cappadocia’s bizarre landscape that I mentioned in the last post. Here’s how this all formed: about 10 million years ago, the three massive volcanoes looming on the horizon were active. Lava and ash covered the region, then hardened in a layer of soft tufa rock many meters thick. Over time, wind and rain and newly formed lakes ate away at the tufa in strange patterns, leaving the landscape as it is today. I see tufa rock formations that seem to defy classification. Not hills or mountains or mounds or knolls or crags or buttes. Waves is the appropriate label. Waves with swells and ripples and perfectly smooth crests. Clusters of isolated columnar forms with conical peaks called fairy chimneys that look so much like phalluses that locals call the area where they are especially prominent Love Valley. Rock ridges that look soft as sand dunes. Tufa rock eroded in mushroom shapes or in perfect geometric cones. Mounds with such delicate furrows, they could be wrinkles in a piece of fabric. The desert scenes of Star Wars were filmed here. Flintstones should have been filmed here. Cappadocia has given me a whole new appreciation for the properties of rocks. My friend Michele decided that the scenery was a little too magical: ‘I just can’t take these rocks seriously.’ You almost find yourself suspicious of the topography, as though it were the product of a grandscale landscaping project to attract tourists. (You have to be pretty jaded to distrust geology). Carved into the side of nearly every rock formation in the area are small caves and burrows. Most of the caves date back to 3rd millennium BC when the earliest inhabitants of Cappadocia used rudimentary metal and obsidian tools to carve small burrows to keep warm during the winter. The bus to Derinkuyu passes through potato farms and wine vineyards and apricot orchards and patches of pistachio plants that prosper in fertile volcanic soil. The farmers working these fields still use the caves dug out by their 5,000-year-old troglodyte ancestors for storing food and livestock.
Derinkuyu is one of Cappadocia’s larger cities. Like the other cities, significant stretches are still full of soil and unexplored. What has been dug out reaches down about 85 meters, eight levels. Another three levels to be excavated. Granaries, wineries, stables, school rooms, churches, oil presses, wells, storerooms. Accommodates up to 30,000 people. One of two hundred underground cities in the area. Perhaps all connected by tunnels in a singular massive network. I reviewed all of this in my head as I approached the entrance. I’d been reading about Derinkuyu for the past few weeks. Conceptually, it was stunning – humans as earthworms, city as ant colony. Something out of a storybook. HG Wells or Asimov. But the stats and facts from books don’t give you any tactile sense of the space. I had no idea what the city would look like, how it’d be organized, laid out. I really didn’t know what to expect.
The entrance to Derinkuyu is a small concrete bunker-like structure in the middle of expansive flatlands. Inside, I find steps leading into darkness. Down about ten meters, into a large chamber, ceilings about eight feet high. It is cold enough that I can see my breath. And damp: running my hand along the wall I find the tufa wet. The air is clammy. Other cities I would visit later, like Ozluce and Mazi, have no infrastructure for tourists, are pitch dark, full of cobwebs and stink like animal dens; because Derinkuyu is a stop on tour routes, I find the first chamber lit up in lemon-orange light that illuminates every furrow and nook and ancient chisel mark in the coarse tufa walls. This first chamber is the stable. Three thousand years ago, the hall where I am standing would have been full of cows and donkeys and goats eating fodder from the troughs carved into the walls, the floor lined with hay, smelling of manure.
The Greek soldier-historian Xenophon describes such a stable in the earliest description of Cappadocia from the 4th century BC. In his Anabasis, he writes: “The houses were underground structures with an aperture like the mouth of a well by which to enter, but they were broad and spacious below. The entrance for the beasts of burden was dug out, but the human occupants descended by a ladder. In these dwellings were to be found goats and sheep and cattle, and cocks and hens, with their various progeny. The flocks and herds were all reared under cover upon green food. There were stores within of wheat and barley and vegetables, and wine made from barley in great big bowls.”
Down a long chute-like tunnel, I come across a doorway leading into another large chamber. On the other side of the doorway is a millstone – massive, nearly six feet across by two-and-a-half thick, shaped like a donut with a small hole in the middle. It’s wedged into a slot on the right side of the door and encroaches slightly on the passage. These millstones are found in all of the underground cities; they make up the security system. The primary function of these cities was defense. Cappadocia was a crossroads of every major trade route in the ancient world: any merchant carrying spices, carpets, wine, olive oil or silk between Persia, Egypt, India and China in the East and Rome and Greece in the West passed through the region. Whoever controlled Cappadocia controlled the trade routes and collected royalties on everything that moved along them. Naturally, the region was coveted by all of the surrounding nations. Over the span of about 3000 years, the people of Cappadocia were at various times invaded by the Persians, Greeks, Mongols and other neighboring people. The Hittites, early 2nd millennium BC inhabitants of Cappadocia who recorded their history in cuneiform clay tablets, reference the later invaders – probably the Greeks – as the ‘sea people.’ In addition to foreign invaders, settlements in the region were constantly warding off raids from rival tribes. To look at the extent of the cities, one can imagine the frequency and intensity of these invasions. When, for example, a Hittite settlement was under attack, everyone in the town would retreat into the underground city, which most likely would have had a number of concealed entrances. The Hittites would disappear into the deeper recesses of the city where they had months’ worth of food and water stored in the naturally cool cave-larders that Xenophon describes, while two or three strong men rolled the millstones in front of strategic doorways. If the enemy tribesmen gave chase into the underground, they’d find themselves in pitch darkness, in narrow, low-ceilinged tunnels. To get from the stable to the millstone, I had had to duck-waddle, bent almost double, with my tripod dragging along the ground. In other stretches, I would be crawling on all fours. Had I been a tribesman pursuing a Hittite and had my tripod been a sword, I would have been effectively disarmed by the tunnel. Upon reaching a doorway sealed-off by a millstone, Hittites would have shot arrows at me through the hole in the stone. Had I survived the arrows, they would have poured hot oil on me through small holes in the ceiling.
I pass through storerooms with niches carved to hold food – ‘big bowls of barley’ according to Xenophon. In another chamber, a well dropping 100 meters underground – instead of reaching to the surface, the opening of the well is on the first underground level, to safeguard against invaders poisoning the water supply. Down a long set of winding stairs, past two more mill stone seals and into one chamber containing a winery, another which branches into small burrows serving as family sleeping quarters. At the back of one chamber is a vertical passage leading up to the surface – a ventilation duct. The city seems to go on forever. A tunnel still clogged with soil in the corner of one chamber apparently links to another city ten kilometers away. The space becomes even more fascinating, I think, when, instead of its metaphors and abstractions, you consider the city’s practicalities and logistics. I wonder about maps. Did the people get lost? The space is expansive, the tunnels identical without any landmarks. Granted, someone who has spent enough time in the tunnels will be able to navigate the labyrinth. But in a moment of panic, when the city is under seige, I can’t imagine that someone wouldn’t become disoriented and forget which of the eleven floors they were on. Something else: the surrounding landscape on the surface is completely flat. All the dirt that was extracted in order to dig this city – where did it go? The limestone extracted from the underground quarries in Paris was enough to build one of the greatest cities in the world; the earth that came out of Derinkuyu alone would have created a medium-sized mountain. If you’re building an underground city to defend your people against invaders, you don’t want a mountain of earth marking the entrance. Sure enough, there isn’t the slightest undulation in the surrounding land. After actually removing the earth from the tunnels, the people must have done something with it. There is a river about eight kilometers away perhaps the dumped the earth there.
The chambers become progressively colder the deeper I go and my fingers go numb against the metal of my tripod. As I descend, I also notice a change in the construction and lay-out of the rooms. The spaces on the first level had been roughhewn, dug haphazardly, the layout like a rabbit warren. Floors cockeyed, ceilings uneven, doors in odd amoeba shapes, tunnels and corridors overlapping, corkscrewing, zigzagging, walls riddled with strange circular gaps like holes in Swiss cheese. Deeper down, I see larger chambers, more regularly shaped, smooth floors. Rooms branch off of tunnels with a certain amount of logic and sense of spacing suggesting that construction involved some level of forethought and planning.

The shallower levels, archeologists believe, are so irregular because they were carved by the most ancient people using primitive tools. The cities were not constructed all at once, but in stages over thousands of years, by increasingly larger civilizations who enlarged, embellished and improved upon the spaces previous communities had left behind. People believe that these cities began as small burrows dug out by the original settlers from the Bronze Age as refuge from harsh weather. Then the Hittites came along in the 18th or 19th century BC and settled in whatever spaces the people from the Bronze Age had left behind, but they had to dig deeper to accommodate their more populous settlements. As the Hittites were continually under attack, they dug deeper and perhaps installed the millstones as security measures. Around the 12th century BC, the Hittites were wiped out by the Phrygians, who took over the cities, and dug deeper. Between settlements of these larger unified nations, the cities presumably were conquered and and re-conquered by local tribes. Around the beginning of the modern period, the early Christians, who had fled to Cappadocia to escape Roman and, later, Arab persecution, became the final occupants of the cities. They, in turn, dug deeper or enlarged preexisting spaces to accommodate churches and refectories and schools of Christianity. Sure enough, on the last excavated level, the eighth, I find myself in wide hallways, four or five times larger than hallways on the first floor, lined with pillars and benches carved into the walls. The rooms connected to this hall are spacious, walls meet ceilings and floors at right angles. Standing in the gloom of what would have been one of the world’s first churches, nearly 300 feet underground, I think of a story I once heard from my friend Adriano, a spelunker-archeologist in Rome. One time, he had recived a phone call from the nuns at a local church: they had found a trapdoor in the floor leading to a dark space beneath the church, a crypt, it seemed. When he arrived at the church, he found the sisters hysterical, cowering away from the open door in the floor, crossing themselves repeatedly (as it turned out, the space was small and empty). The story came up as we were talking about the strange hold the underground has on the human imagination. But it’s difficult to ignore the religious overtones in Adriano’s story: nuns clucking around a church, blessing themselves, protecting themselves from a dark, underground space, from Hell. Christians are very attached to their vertical cosmos: good things above, bad things below. Which is why I have to wonder whether, 2100 years ago, the irony ocurred to any of those pioneer Christians: sitting on the floor of a dark, dank, foul-smelling space, 300 feet underground, listening to a priest talk about leading a righteous life in order to avoid the ubiquitous descent into Hell. A divorce of the metaphorical and the tangible.
I make way back to the surface, ducking through low tunnels, scraping up winding stairways, past the same millstone barriers. I get closer to the surface, passing through chambers that are slanted with oddly shaped domed ceilings, floors undulating, cockeyed, irregular. Usually, the deeper archeologists dig, the more ancient their findings. When I was in Rome, I went into the basement of San Clemente and in the span of thirty meters, passed through five layers of history going back 2000 years. Underground, this vertical timeline is inverted. I descend and watch history progress 2000 years from the ancient to the modern; on my way up, the last level I see, less than ten meters below present day Turkey, is the roughewn stable, the most ancient of any space in the city.


























